The article on The Cultural Politics of the Red Devils inspired me to think a lot about the spaces between voluntary patriotism and as Jeon and Yoon describe it, “fascism without a face” (Jeon & Yoon, p. 78). When people rally around any accomplishment of their country: be it a win in an Olympic decathlon, the invocation of a past tradition as was the case in Im Kwon-Taek’s Sopyonje, to what extent is that an appropriate display of nationalistic pride and at what point does it become an unhealthy manifestation of totalitarian ideology. The fact that an American wins a medal in swimming or figure skating at the Olympics hardly implies that I, myself, am a champion swimmer or skater, yet I still celebrate and feel proud at their achievement. Such pride is encouraged with the practice of singing national anthems at sports games. The question is: where does the individual person start and the national identity leave off?
It seems that victory in a contest against the Other is a rallying point that brings many people in a country together regardless or racial, religious, or cultural divides and clearly nationalism is to the benefit of any government trying to maintain its power. However, I found it intriguing that the authors emphasized that the Red Devils, although peaceful in their demonstrations, were hardly passive ‘Gookmin.’ Particularly in the instance of the female demonstrators, who came out of their houses clad in tight jeans and signature red t-shirts, flaunting their bodies and sexuality, “breaking down the traditional, moralistic code of ‘being Oriental girls’ (Jeon & Yoon, p. 81-82). Thus, the authors make the point that people can engage in nationalistic, semi-fascist displays while still maintaining autonomy over themselves.
The role of the media and educational institutions in the instillation of what I would term ‘soft totalitarianism’ is another issue that merits consideration. The intellectual theorist Noam Chomsky, for one, has been vocal about his belief that these two forces are more successful in the inculcation of ideology and fascism than are repressive regimes. Indeed, it seems that in the latter case, when people are aware of censorship they become incensed and resistance groups often form. However, the ostensible premise of freedom combined with the promises of capitalism leads to a media that can be bought, bribed, and intimidated without any actual violent force or coercion, meanwhile the common person, ignorant of this exchange, accepts the news they are served passively. Yet conversely, the article cites the activities of the Red Devils as a way for spectators to reject the passivity of television at home and become an active spectacle themselves (Jeon & Yoon, p. 81). Ultimately, it seems the line between personal autonomy and state-sponsored mass infatuation is a fine one.
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